Friday, May 28, 2010

Official Blog site of Narendra Modi | Chief Minister Government of Gujarat |

Official Blog site of Narendra Modi Chief Minister Government of Gujarat

9 comments:

  1. . Since the daylight shallow the darkness, Please Write articles to take the intellectual from apathetically approach towards rectification of prevailing maladies as to wake up
    Yogesh Kumar Saxena, Advocate, High Court Allahabad (India) e mail Address yogrekha@yahoo.co.in or yogrekha@rediffmail.com Phone:- 91/ 0532/637720/2436451, Mobile:- 9415284843

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  2. To paraphrase the well-known saying, the last refuge of the profiteer is patriotism. But what if patriotism is, in a given situation, the most profitable of options? What if patriotism paid? Wouldn't it be a foolish and eventually pauperised profiteer who in such a scenario did not make patriotism his first resort rather than his last?

    According to the Swiss Banking Association Report 2006, dishonest (and unpatriotic) Indians have stashed away some $1,456 billion in numbered Swiss bank accounts. If the report is to be believed, Indians have more clandestine loot hidden away in foreign accounts than all the rest of the world combined. This suggests that, far from being a poor country as we've always been taught by our net as to believe, India is in fact a very rich country. Except that its wealth, instead of being kept in India, has been taken outside India.

    Compared with India's $1,456 billion, Russia comes a poor second with $470 billion, followed by the UK ($390 billion), Ukraine ($100 billion) and China ($96 billion). These figures, which are four years out of date, relate only to Swiss banks, and do not take into account other offshore tax havens such as the Bahamas and the Cayman Islands which offer similar facilities for the parking of undeclared wealth.

    It has been estimated that if the Indian money kept abroad only in Swiss accounts were to be brought back to India, the country's entire foreign debt would be wiped out 13 times over. The foreign debt repaid, the interest earned on the residual amount would reportedly be more than the central budget. You wouldn't have to pay taxes. Every poor person in the country could be given a lakh of rupees.

    But why would this huge hoard of undeclared boodle be brought back to India? For reasons of pure patriotism? Certainly not. But what about reasons of profitable patriotism? Now that makes more sense.

    The reason that all this wealth was secreted out of the country by politicians, industrialists, businessmen, racketeers, smugglers was that the regulation-strangulated Indian economy did not inspire confidence in anyone, least of all in much of the political leadership whose (deliberately?) misguided policies had made the country economically weak to begin with.

    It was deemed to be prudent to keep cash assets in the form of hard currency rather than in the lowly avatar of the despised and worthless Indian rupee. Economic patriotism very definitely did not pay.

    But does the same situation obtain today, when the so-called 'advanced' economies by and large are in terrible shape, thanks to their own greed and spendthrift ways which have resulted in enormous and unsustainable accumulations of sovereign debt? Following the subprime crisis in the US, which unleashed a global financial tsunami from which the international economic order will take a long while to recover, Europe has been hit with an epidemic of 'Euroflu' as a result of fiscal mismanagement in the euro zone which has led Greece into virtual bankruptcy and is also threatening Spain and Portugal.

    Increasingly, the so-called 'advanced' economies of the world including Japan, which also seems to be on the brink of a sovereign debt trap don't look so advanced anymore. The two big growth centres of the world today as we keep being told over and over again are India and China. In this context, wouldn't it make both patriotic and more importantly profitable sense for India's offshore riches to find their way back to India, instead of remaining in what looks to be an increasingly dangerous economic war zone?

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  3. The Underworld of India. In this notquite-
    scholarly treatise, MacMunn
    rambles at length about all that he
    found dark and dreaded while on his
    tour of duty in India. In a chapter titled
    “Criminal Tribes and Classes,”
    MacMunn wrote: “They are
    absolutely the scum, the flotsam and
    jetsam of Indian life, of no more
    regard than the beasts of the field.”
    Sprinkled through the rest of the
    chapter are several other references
    to such tribes, all as derogatory. The
    Chantichors (“bundle-stealers”) are
    all “feckless and unstable.” Harnis
    have a “gift for humbugging the
    world.” Ramoshis were employed by
    the British as watchmen, but such a
    watchman “is always an incorrigible
    pander, being prepared to produce
    ladies of the flimsiest virtue at the
    shortest notice.” Vanjari women are
    “bright and comely [with] wellmoulded
    breasts,” and are “adept no
    doubt in venery.” In fact, MacMunn
    makes it a point to comment on the
    women of nearly every tribe. He
    mentions: all are invariably “comely”
    yet “hopelessly immoral.”
    (MacMunn also has an astonishing
    tendency to refer to women as
    “baggages”, but I’ll let that pass).
    In 1871, the British passed the
    “Criminal Tribes Act.” It notified
    about 150 tribes around India as
    criminal, giving the police wide
    powers to arrest them and monitor
    their movements. The effect of this
    law was simple: just being born into
    one of those 150 tribes made you a
    criminal.

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  4. As T.V. Stephens, a British
    official of the time, said while
    introducing the Bill that became the
    Act: “... people from time immemorial
    have been pursuing the caste system
    defined job-positions: weaving,
    carpentry and such were hereditary
    jobs. So there must have been
    hereditary criminals also who pursued
    their forefathers’ profession.”
    Why did the British feel a need
    for such an Act? Arguably, it was part
    of an entire model of how law and
    order was to be preserved in colonial
    India. To the British, used as they
    were to a highly centralized
    governance, India seemed a hairraisingly
    volatile place with its
    complex array of castes and
    communities, functioning as
    autonomous, self governing entities,
    following differnent life styles and
    social norms. Those communities,
    which offered the stiffest resistance
    to pax -Britannica, were targeted in
    different ways for such special
    treatment. Among the worst victims
    were communities which did not have
    a sedentary life style which made it
    more difficult to demand subservience
    from them.

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  5. A strategy was evolved to
    concentrate the limited resources and
    efforts of the police on selected,
    visible targets. This was the only way
    to give the appearance of effectively
    guaranteeing “public peace” . In
    Imperial Power and Popular
    Politics: Class, Resistance and the
    State in India 1850-1950, the
    Cambridge University historian,
    Rajnarayan Chandavarkar explains:
    “[The police had] necessarily to rely
    upon a general consensus about
    Declared Criminal at Birth
    India’s “Denotified Tribes”
    which groups in society were
    especially prone to criminal activity
    and might constitute, therefore, the
    proper objects of policing. ... By
    enacting this principle of selection [of
    particular groups], the colonial state
    was able to create criminal tribes and
    castes.”
    Chandavarkar writes that even
    though they were the focus of much
    police action, “the criminal tribes were
    scarcely, by the late nineteenth
    century, a potent threat to
    social order."
    Criminal tribes were just a
    convenient target, a scapegoat. By
    acting against them, the state could
    keep up at least a pretence of law
    enforcement, even if a lot more crime
    happened and was left unpunished.
    Chandavarkar writes: “While in reality
    crime went largely unreported and
    unrecorded, police reports and
    memoirs ... described in painstaking
    detail, crimes of savage brutality or
    extraordinary guile and cunning or
    those which reflected exotic customs
    and elaborate rituals. This was
    particularly the case with ... the
    criminal tribes and castes, whose
    supposed criminality was represented
    as an inheritance and a profession,
    inextricably connected to their lineage
    and genealogy.”

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  6. The Denotified and Nomadic Tribes Rights Action Group (DNT-RAG) was founded after a conference in Baroda in March 1998.
    Mahashweta Devi, the Bengali writer-activist, had been invited to give a lecture there. She spoke of her work with the Kheria
    Sabar ex-criminal tribe in West Bengal, leading to the formation of DNT-RAG. Three people founded it: Laxman Gaikwad, an
    award-winning author and activist from Maharashtra, himself a member of the Uchlya denotified tribe; Dr GN Devy, an exprofessor
    of English at Maharaja Sayajirao University in Baroda, a well-known writer himself and head of the Bhasha Research
    Centre to research tribal languages that runs a yearly lecture series; and Mahashweta Devi.
    DNT-RAG has worked on getting justice for the families of Pinya Kale and Budhan Sabar (a DNT member similarly killed in
    West Bengal); and were able to get the killers of Bhikabhai Bajania (a member of Gujarat’s Bajania tribe) in Ahmedabad arrested.
    DNT-RAG has also held numerous meetings in small towns in Gujarat, Bengal and Maharashtra; besides setting up four
    community development centres for these tribes. It compiled and submitted a comprehensive report to the NHRC on the status
    of DNTs. It has campaigned for the repeal of the Habitual Offenders’ Act which is routinely used to torment DNTs.

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  7. DNT-RAG publishes Budhan (named for Budhan Sabar) every two months. This journal carries news and research reports about
    DNTs.
    assumed that they have a
    propensity for crime. Such an
    assumption is the starting
    point for discussion.
    This is not to say that
    members of such tribes do
    not indulge in crime. They do,
    and their crimes range from
    stealing pomegranates from
    fields to burglaries in which
    people get murdered. A
    retired police constable I met
    in Satara district showed me
    several lists of Pardhi tolis
    or gangs, each centred on
    one family that wander the
    district committing crimes. He
    knew the particular methods
    of each toli. The police
    station in Phaltan, a large
    town in the district, has
    pictures of several Pardhis
    wanted for area crimes, some
    of whose names were in the
    tolis that the retired
    constable showed me.
    Without doubt, there are
    Pardhis who commit
    crimes.But there are reasons for such
    crimes. They deserve consideration.
    Take what Stephen Fuchs wrote in
    The Aboriginal Tribes of India (1973):
    “A number of such tribes are
    passionately nomadic, and since
    Rickshaw and Biscuit, June 1999
    No. 122 25
    foodgathering and hunting in
    the jungle, in the traditional
    manner, is often impossible,
    they have switched over to
    the rather dangerous ... life of
    ‘foraging’ in the fields,
    villages and towns. ... This
    has gained them a bad
    reputation and in the British
    times some of them were
    branded criminal and held
    under close police
    supervision.

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  8. Since
    Independence this stigma has
    been taken from them, but the
    watch over them by the police
    has not much relaxed. ... They
    are forced by the prevailing
    adverse circumstances to
    practise subsistence
    thieving.”
    If there are Pardhis who
    commit crimes, at least part
    of the blame lies in the fact
    that life “in the traditional
    manner” is no longer an
    option. Part of the blame also
    lies with societal attitudes that leave
    them with no choice. Time and again,
    I have met Pardhis who tell me the
    local schools do not allow their
    children to attend classes. If they do
    manage to stay in school and
    graduate, jobs are hard to get. After a
    meeting near Phaltan where several
    speakers urged Pardhis to educate
    their children, and especially their
    girls, one woman stopped me outside
    and pointed to her grown daughter.
    “I struggled so she could graduate
    from school,” she said. “But now
    nobody will give her a job because
    she is a Pardhi. What’s the use of all
    this talk of education?”
    So Pardhis continue to be seen as
    criminal. The police continue to round
    them up every time there is a crime —
    petty or major — in the area. This
    usually means just one thing: a
    thrashing in the police station. That
    is what happened to a Pardhi called
    Pinya Hari Kale at the Baramati (Satara
    District, Maharashtra) police station,
    on June 8 1998.
    Like many Pardhis in Satara, 35 -
    year-old Kale was a landless
    agricultural labourer. His 1000 rupees
    a month was the only income available
    to support his wife and five children.
    Late on June 8, three constables
    picked up Kale in Baramati. Now since
    the arrest of Pardhis on suspicion is a
    purely normal thing, Kale’s wife
    Chandrasena wasn’t particularly
    perturbed when he did not return
    home that night. As she told the
    Bombay High Court in a petition, she
    “expected him to be detained and
    released.”
    That did not happen.
    When she went to the police
    station to ask after him the
    next day, two constables
    showed her his dead body.
    A local magistrate and a
    doctor at Baramati’s Golden
    Jubilee Hospital produced
    an extraordinary postmortem
    report that absolved
    the police altogether,
    corroborating their claim that
    Kale “fell down” while trying
    to run from the constables
    and died soon after. A
    second post-mortem, at
    Chandrasena’s insistence,
    found “evidence of multiple
    concussions”, 14 in number.
    It concluded that Kale had
    died “due to multiple blunt
    injuries with evidence of
    head injury.”

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  9. Because of these
    conflicting post-mortem
    reports, an official of the
    Pune Criminal Investigation
    Department, BN Mane, was
    asked to investigate Kale’s
    death. He found that at the police
    station, the three constables and a
    sub-inspector had beaten Kale “with
    sticks and belt.” Because of this, Kale
    died early on June 9. The subinspector’s
    report about the incident
    said Kale died accidentally; Mane
    terms this a “false and concocted
    story.”
    Mane has filed complaints against
    all four men. They are under
    suspension, while a further
    investigation takes place.
    Clearly, given Mane’s findings, the
    state itself has concluded that Kale
    was killed in police custody. Yet, for
    months, it did not pay his family any
    compensation, let alone show that it
    intends to punish the four policemen.
    Chandrasena’s petition, now making
    slow progress through the courts,
    asks for both these measures.
    It is important to understand that
    what happened to Kale is entirely
    typical of what happens to denotified
    tribes. Police harrassment happens
    solely because these tribes are seen
    as criminal: too often, such
    harrassment results in death. That is
    the spectre India’s ex-criminal tribes
    face every day.
    There are, nevertheless, some
    signs of hope. DNT-RAG (see box)
    informed the National Human Rights
    Commission about Pinya Kale’s
    death. The NHRC’s response got far
    less attention than it deserved. On
    December 22, 1998, it ruled that “for
    the limited purpose of awarding
    interim relief,” it is not necessary to
    wait for charges against the four
    policemen to be proved in a criminal
    court. A “strong prima facie case” is
    Confronting Discrimination Head On
    Most of us from third world countries discrimination in some form or another almost everyday. It often leaves a
    sour taste in our mouth. The following story, downloaded from the internet, shows us the side of human dignity
    and respect for that would help build a more egalitarian world. The following incident provides a sense of hope for
    it shows there are companies and individuals who confront discrimination head on, if only one small step at a
    time.
    On a British Airways flight from Johannesburg, a middle-aged, well-off white South African Lady found herself
    sitting next to a black man. She called the cabin crew attendant over to complain about her seating. "What is the
    problem Madam?” asked the attendant. “Can’t you see?” she said “ You’ve sat me next to a kaffir. I can’t possibly
    sit next to this disgusting human. Find me another seat!” “Please calm down Madam.” the stewardess replied.
    “The flight is very full today. I’ll go and check to see if we have any seats available in club or first class.”
    The woman cocks a snooty look at the outraged black man beside her, not to mention many of the surrounding
    passengers. A few minutes later the stewardess returned with the good news, which she delivered to the lady,
    who could help but look at the people around her with a smug and self-satisfied grin: “Madam, I’ve spoken to the
    cabin services director. Unfortunately, the economy class is full as also the club class. However, we do have one
    seat in the first class”. Before the lady has a chance to answer, the stewardess continued..."It is most extraordinary
    to make this kind of upgrade. However, I have had to get special permission from the captain. Given the
    circumstances, the captain felt that it was outrageous that someone be forced to sit next to such an obnoxious
    person.” With that, she turned to the black man sitting next to the lady, and said: “Sir if you’d like to get your things
    together, I have a seat ready for you...” At that point, apparently the surrounding passengers stood up and gave a
    standing ovation, while the black guy walked up to the front of the plane.
    People will forget what you said .... people will forget what you did ...... but people will never forget how you made
    them feel.

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